Richard Pearis
The 1987 BellSouth Yellow Pages for Greenville County,
Page 2, provides some information regarding Richard.
The article states:
"Greenville's colorful history had its beginnings with
the Cherokee Indians, who occupied most of the beautiful
Blue Ridge foothills until 1777 when a treaty was signed
giving white men access to it. The area's first white
settlers were the Austin family, who came to southern
Greenville County in 1761. The first great landowner in the
city of Greenville was Richard Pearis, an Irishman
who settled on 100,000 acres of land around the Reedy River
in the late 1760s. Pearis' half-breed son had been given
the land by his Cherokee mother. All of Pearis' holdings
were confiscated by Patriots during the Revolution, because
of Pearis' Tory activities. Land sales were open in 1784,
and white settlers rushed to purchase up-country acres in
the former Indian territory. In 1786 'Greeneville' County,
probably named for Revolutionary War General Nathanael
Greene, was chartered. In 1797 Lemuel Alston, who had
bought much of Pearis' former land, laid out a plat for his
development, 'Pleasantburg'..."
According to one researcher, Richard was commissioned a
Lieutenant and moved to South Carolina to work with and
live among the Cherokees. A handwritten memo concerning
Paris Mountain from the South Carolina Department of Parks,
Recreation and Tourism states:
"The Mountain was once the home of Cherokee Indians and
was named after Richard Pearis, who was the first white
settler in the region. He was sent to the Greenville area
by Gov. Dinwiddie of Virginia to stimulate trade with the
local Indians. Pearis, soon after he arrived, took an
Indian for his wife & started a family. By virtue of
this association with the Indians, Pearis was given a tract
of land which included what is now Paris Mountain. Pearis
fought as a Tory during the revolution, and after the war
was over his property was confiscated by the state and
later sole to private owners."
"Unhallowed Intrusion," by Don Shadburn indicates
Richard, as a young man, served in the French and Indian
War and was distinguished by a certain notoriety as an
interpreter and trader among the Indians at Old Chota and
other Indian town sites before the American Revolution. The
book also indicates in 1768 he left Winchester, Virginia,
and moved to Greenville, South Carolina, settling on the
Reedy River. According to Shadburn, he established a large
plantation and built a grist mill and trading post,
stocking it with goods hauled from Charleston.
One researcher maintains Richard Pearis had a Caucasian
wife, Rhoda, and three children, Richard Pearis, Jr.,
Margaret Elizabeth Pearis and Sarah Pearis, while also
having an Indian "side wife" named "Pratchy." The Indian
"side wife" had a son whom Richard named "George" and a
daughter, "Nelly."
Colonial Records of South Carolina, Series 2.
Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754 1765,
pages 98 and 99 contain a letter from John Smith,
William Preston and Richard Pearis to the "Catawbaws,"
written in 1756. The letter, in part, states:
"John Smith, William Preston and Richard Pearis
to the
Catawbaws and is given, Fort Frederick, Jan. 13th,
1756.
The Chain of Friendship between you and your Brothers of
Virginia we hope will be kept clear and bright as long as
the Sun and Moon endures."
and
"...for we intend to march in 20 Days with a Body of 300
Men against the Shawannes in which Expedition have great
reason to hope for Success especially if attended by a
Number of our Brothers the Catawbaws who are known to be a
People of undoubted Valour and Integrity. The Indian
Messenger Kerorostekee lived formerly in your Nation and
since his Departure has killed two of his Enemies which we
hope will be acceptable to you with George Paris the white
Messenger.
From your Friends and Brothers,
Jno. Smith
Wm. Preston
Richd. Pearis"
James Glen was appointed royal governor of Colonial
South Carolina in 1738 and came to the colony in 1743 to
serve until 1756, the longest tenure of any governor during
its Colonial period. Ludovic Grant was an established
trader in the Cherokee Nation where he married a full blood
Cherokee of the Long Hair Clan by the name of Elizabeth
Tassel Coody or "Eughioote". Being of "good" family and
well educated, he became the agent and correspondent of the
Governors of South Carolina. His letters kept the governors
informed of the happenings within the Cherokee Nation. The
Colonial Records of South Carolina: South Carolina Indian
Affairs Documents, 1754 1757, pages 15 - 20, contain
a letter from Ludovic Grant to Governor Glen. The letter
mentions a Virginia trader by the name "Paris." The letter
states, in part:
"LUDOVIC GRANT TO GOVERNOR GLEN
Cherroekees, Tomatly Town, 22d July, 1754
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY, It is not easey to conceive,
much less to express, the inward Satisfaction of Mind I, in
my mean Circumstances receive, by being in the least
countenanced by your Excellency, neither is there any Thing
that can depress that Joy which rises in my Heart on that
Account, more than my Inability to effectually serve your
Excellency and the Country in which I sojourn, and as my
Will is sincere and ready on all Occasions I pray it may
make up and excuse what Deficiencies are not in my Power to
help while it is my good Fortune and Happiness that your
Excellency does remain in this Province of South Carolina.
I shall not fail as Oppertunity serves allways to acquaint
your Excellency of what shall come to my Knowledge in
relation to the Behaviour of these Indians as far as it
concerns the Peace of Carolina or else where belonging to
the King of Great Britain and likewise the Benifite and
Security of the Trade which is at present carried on among
these Cherroekees.
Since I wrote my last Letters by Mr. Buttler there is
little happened in this Nation worthy your Notice, though I
propose to acquaint your Excellency also with Things
seemingly of mean Concern and leave the Inferrences to be
drawen by yourself.
Your Excellency may remember in my last Letters by Mr.
Buttler I gave an Account of a Message sent to Old Hopp by
the Governor of Virginia inviting the Emperour and
Little Carpenter in thither, in order to receive some
Presents as the Letter specified, sent for them from the
King of England. Abraham Smith who was the Messenger went
in Person over the Hills, and as I can learn received one
verbal Compliment for another to carry Home with him.
However Smith returned with expedition from Virginia to
Kewohee the second Time and proceeded no further, but from
thence sent the second Letter which he had brought by one
of the Virginia Traders who was there at Kewohee at that
Time to Old Hopp who said he was much obliged to the
Governor of Virginia for his Correspondence, but that as he
was promised by his first Messenger, Ammunition and war
Utensils, and that not being sent according to Promise,
neither he nor his People could make Powder, and Bullets,
and other Things they very much wanted, and Paper alone,
meaning the Letters, would not defend them from their
Enemies either at Home or abroad and upon slight Excuses
altogeather declined going.
However they desired the Virginia Trader, one Paris
by Name, to write their Answer to the second Letter and
carry it to the Governor, and when the Headmen were
conveened in order to consult what Answer to send, he, the
said Paris, declined it till they should come to Starnekers, the Dutchman's House, on the Virginia Path, and
where Paris proposed they should convoy him, and
there he said the Warriours who were his Gaurd might send
an Answer. It may be supposed that Paris by
deffering to write the Answer till upon the Path, thought
to lay an Obligation upon the Headmen to convoy him, but
after all this he could hardly perswade any of them |15| to
gaurd him homewards, only twelve Fellows nine whereof were
Northward Indians who have lived some Years Over the Hills
and almost naturalized.
That Night or soon after they were come to
Starnekers,
there were thirty of the Catabaws who had been at War to
the Northward and being so far returned homewards, took up
Camp in the adjacent Neighbourhood in order to get some
Provisions from the Inhabitants of the Place and to procure
which sent a young Man of their Company ignorantly to a
House near to Paris's Gaurd, who so soon as the
Northward Fellows who were with the Cherroekees heard of an
Indian and a Catawbaw they rushed into the House where the
Catabaw was sitting and seizing and tieing him brought him
off. As I before mentioned there were thirty of the
Catabaws and had taken three Slaves and killed two on the
Spot, and there being but nine Northward with Paris,
they thot without Delay of making the best of their Way
homewards and for Fear of being pursued by the Catabaws
which doubtless they were the fourth Day came to Setticoe
which was an unaccountable Haste. The Northward Fellow that
first laid Hands on the Catabaw and for that Reason claimed
him as his sole Property lives in Setticoe, and there he
first intended to carry the Slave, which when the Little
Carpenter, the Great Warriour, and several other Head-men
heard they went and with stern and angry Countenances, cut
the Slave's String with a Knife, and stamped upon the
rattling Callabash they had given the Slave in his Hand to
sing to, and told the nine Northward if they wanted to go
to their Country they might when they pleased, that they
were not affraid of them or their Nation nor the French,
but they should carry none of their Friends as Slaves, so
these Warriours above mentioned brought the Catabaw Home to
them, and as in such Cases there Manner is, washed,
painted, and new cloathed him, and intends to send him Home
with a Gaurd to his own People as soon as he can walk, his
Feet being much swollen by running...
This Summer one of the Virginia Traders, Paris by
Name, whom I have before mentioned with a young Man
Paris, his Hireling, a Nogroe Man, and John
Hattons Sister, half breed, had almost been killed in
the Great Terequa Path from Canoste. The said Paris
with his Company had come from Stecoe on Tewtewah River and
passing my House went to Docharty's where he bought two
Cows and Calves. The Day after took his Journey for Great
Terequa which he was to pass in his Way to Toquo where he
resided with a remarkable Indian and a Warriour of
Tannassee who had some Days before come over the Hills to
Docharty's in order to pay a Debt he owed him. When
Paris was come within four or five Miles of the
Terequa for Fear least his Cattle would tire encamped, the
Indian who was a little Way behind coming up, said he would
proceed to the Town it being but a little Way |20| off, and
notwithstanding Paris and the Woman entreated him
earnestly to stay and told him the Path was dangerous,
however the Indian would not and not two Miles from where
Paris stayed had his Horse shot under him, and was
himself carried off where no News has been heard of him
since, and I belive [ever] will, and Cattle though they
have been the Death of some Virginia Men in Times past at
that Time saved the Life of one with his Company...
Your Excellency's most humble, most
obedient, and most obliged Servant,
Lud. Grant"
Another letter, found in the Colonial Records of
South Carolina: Documents Relating To Indian Affairs, 1754
- 1757, Pages 40 - 45 states, in part:
"LUD. GRANT TO GOVERNOR GLEN
Cherokees, Tomatly Town, Mar. 27th
...Your Excellency may remember, in some of my former
Letters in the Spring, I mentioned one Paris, a
Trader from Virginia, and Price, his Partner; the former
went in the Summer last for Virginia, and the latter to
Carolina, not having wherewith to answer his Credit in
Virginia; when the said Paris came there, one Guest,
his Merchant and Father of this Guest who was sent into
this Nation as Messenger from Virginia, seized on his
Leather and denied him any further Credit, which obliged
him here and there to pick up what Goods he could get, and
consisted only in some single Matchcoats, Northward
Blankets, and some other smal Things, of inconsiderable
Value, which he packed up in Baggs and brought two White
Men, (who they say fled from Virginia for the Press) and a
Northward Indian who had lived some Time in this Nation and
had gone in with Paris to Virginia; these he sent in
to Chote, desiring a Guard from thence into this Nation,
and Long Jack's Brother called Chekesaw, with some others,
went out to conduct and guard him in hither. It seems
Paris had told the White Men he had a Letter also
from the Governor to Old Hap, and had given the Indian a
Letter of his own Writing, to Old Hap desiring him to give
no Credit to Guest, or his Languister, Oliver, that they
would tell him nothing but Lies and that Guest had stole
the Governor's Letter from him and that he himself was the
Man to have brought it; and that they should keep them both
till he came into the Nation. It happened that a Party of
the Overhills Towns were at that Time out at War, and about
two days March from Chote, came up with the said White Men
and Indian, killed the Indian and brought in his Scalp with
Paris, his Letters, and the White Men to Chote;
which Letter I heard read and very much laughed at. While I
was over the Hills in Chore, passed by Long Jack's Brother
and Paris keeping the other Side of the River for
Toquo where his Woman lived, which very much affronted Old
Hap and all the Warriors who were then conveened and sat in
Council in the Town House |46| expecting there coming when
they found they were past, Old Hap, sent a Messenger for
him, desiring him to come forthwith that they might hear
his Message, who next Day came and being asked for the
Governor's Letter he had said to the White Men he had
brought, told them he had none, which much startled Old
Hap, and put him to a Pause, and some high Words passing
between Paris and Guest, Old Hap told Paris
to be quiet, and as he had brought no Letter nor was a
Messenger, he should only mind his Trade, and as he had
brought little or no Goods among them (save Whiske, a
spirituous Liquor it seems made of Rye of which he had
twenty Caggs) he should therewith pay, according to his
Promise pay his Gaurds who had conducted him in, and out of
the Nation. Old Hap asked him why he lost his Way and
passed the Town and whether the Governor had sent any
Message to his Woman, and said he could compare him to
nothing but a young Buck in rutting Time, who run hither
and thither, not minding where; after a Doe til he found
her.
Your Excellency's most obliged, most obedient and most
humble Servant,
Lud. Grant"
In History of South Carolina In The Revolution 1775
- 1780 McCrady CHAPTER V 1775 Pages 86 - 89, Richard
Pearis is mentioned:
"On the day the Congress met, the 1st of November, it
was informed that Captain Robert Cuningham had been taken
into custody and brought to Charlestown. He had been
arrested under orders from Major Andrew Williamson upon the
affidavit of Captain John Caldwell, charging him with
seditious words. Cuningham having been brought before the
Congress did not deny that he had used the words with which
he was charged; he did not believe, he said, that Captain
Caldwell had perjured himself; but though he did not
consider himself bound by the treaty at Ninety-Six, he
averred "that he had since behaved himself as peaceably as
any man, and although he had opinions he had not expressed
them but when asked." Upon this frank statement Captain
Cuningham was committed to the jail of Charlestown by a
warrant under the hand of William Henry Drayton as
President; Thomas Grimball the Sheriff was directed,
however, to afford him every reasonable and necessary
accommodation at the public charge. But he was enjoined not
to suffer him to converse or correspond with any person
whomsoever, or to have the use of pen, ink, or papers
unless by express leave from the Congress. The arrest of
Cuningham was deeply resented by the people of the Upper
Country, and in connection with another matter, which
occurred about the same time, occasioned further trouble
and a far more serious disaffection of the people in that
region. They were led to believe that the Revolutionists on
the coast were intriguing with the Indians to bring them
down upon the frontier settlements because the people there
hesitated to join them against the King. A bloodless battle
had been fought in Charlestown harbor. The first blood was
now to be shed in Ninety-Six District. Mr. Drayton while on
his mission in that part of the country had had a "talk"
with the Cherokees, and had promised to send them a supply
of powder and lead; and in compliance with this promise the
Council of Safety on the 4th of October had dispatched a
wagon with one thousand pounds of powder and two thousand
pounds of lead as a present to them. It unluckily happened
that about this time Robert Cuningham's arrest became
known; whereupon Patrick Cuningham immediately assembled a
party of about sixty armed men to rescue his brother. They
failed in doing that, but seized the ammunition on its way
to the Indians. Upon this Major Andrew Williamson, who then
resided in Ninety-Six, embodied his militia for the purpose
of recovering the powder and lead. He formed a camp at Long
Cane, and sent a letter to Edward Wilkinson and Alexander
Cameron, the Indian agents then in the Cherokee Nation,
informing them of the seizure, and requesting that the
matter should be explained to the Indians so as to prevent
them from revenging themselves upon the people of this
frontier. On the other hand, the Cuningham party
represented that the ammunition had been sent to the
Indians to arm them against the King's friends, who formed
so large a part of that population. This unfortunate event
added greatly and not unnaturally to the opposition to the
government of the Congress and was of great influence in
assisting the collection of a considerable force in arms
between the Broad and Saluda. What action should be taken
in this emergency was the subject of another contention
between the two parties in the Congress, Arthur Middleton
as usual urging vigorous measures and Rawlins Lowndes
opposing them. The parties were so evenly divided that in a
hundred votes two decided the question. Fifty-one supported
Middleton and forty-nine Lowndes. By this vote, on the 8th
of November, it was determined to assemble a force under
Colonel Richard Richardson, and to send him to seize
Patrick Cuningham, Henry O'Neal, Hugh Brown, David Reese,
Nathaniel Howard, Henry Green, and Jacob Bochman, the
leaders of the Royal party. Captain Ezekiel Polk, who had
been led to desert the cause by Moses Kirkland in August,
had returned and had been taken back into favor, and was
again given a company. He now accompanied Colonel
Richardson. There was another person in this expedition,
whom, before this book closes, we shall find becoming the
real leader in the struggle for the American cause, and
who, with others whose names were scarcely yet known, was
to redeem the State after it had been overrun and lost to
those who were now in control of the revolutionary
movements. This was Thomas Sumter, and this was the manner
in which he was received into the ranks of the
Revolutionary party. "We have consulted with Colonel
Richardson touching Mr. Sumter's application to the
Council," wrote William Henry Drayton and the Rev. Mr.
Tennent to the Council of Safety. "The Colonel readily
approved not only of the measure, but of the man,
notwithstanding Kirkland recommended him as his successor
in the company of Rangers which he quitted and attempted to
disband. The Colonel nevertheless from his seeming
connection with Kirkland proposes to keep a sharp eye upon
Mr. Sumter's conduct." Sumter thus entered the service
under suspicion and upon probation. In this expedition he
acted as Colonel Richardson's Adjutant General. In the
meanwhile the Congress men under Williamson and the King's
men under Cuningham continued embodying their forces.
Williamson lay almost a fortnight at Ninety-Six Court
House, receiving those who came in and waiting for Colonel
Thomson with the Rangers. Captain Richard Pearis,
who, then acting with the Revolutionary party, had
accompanied Mr. Drayton on his visit to the Indians,
disappointed that he had not received the military position
he desired, now changed sides and joined the King's party.
He charged the Council of Safety with the design of
bringing down the Cherokees upon the settlements to cut off
all the King's men. He went so far as to make affidavit
that the ammunition taken by Patrick Cuningham was on the
way to the Cherokee Nation for that purpose. As it was
known that he had brought the Indians who had met Mr.
Drayton in September, it was naturally supposed that he was
acquainted with the intentions of the Council, and his
assertions were readily believed. The King's party was thus
speedily swelled in numbers, while Williamson's militia
came in but slowly. Williamson, however, could not believe
that the Loyalists would dare to attack him, until the 18th
of November, when he received certain information that they
were in full march upon him and had actually crossed the
Saluda River for the purpose. Major Mayson now joined him
with a small party of Rangers and proposed to march at
once, themselves assume the offensive, and attack their
opponents in camp. A council of war was called which, as
councils of war usually do, overruled this vigorous plan of
operations."
Pages 92 - 93 state:
"...Mayson, that they were determined never to resign
their arms. In two hours Major Robinson returned with
Captain Patrick Cuningham, and upon their withdrawing the
peremptory demand for surrender it was agreed that a
conference should take place the next morning. Accordingly,
at the appointed hour, Majors Williamson and Mayson with
Captains Pickens and Bowie met Major Robinson, Captain
Cuningham, Evan McLaurin, and Pearis, when it was
agreed that hostilities should immediately cease, that the
garrison should be marched out of their improvised fort and
their swivels given up, which by a secret agreement for
that purpose were in a day or two privately restored. This
mock surrender of the swivels was agreed upon by the
leaders to appease a large party of the besiegers who,
while the negotiation was progressing, demanded their
surrender. The treaty further stipulated that the public
differences should be submitted to Lord William Campbell
the Governor on the part of the King's men, and to the
Council of Safety on the part of Major Williamson and those
under his command; that each party should send messengers
to their principals, and twenty days be allowed for their
return; that Major Robinson should withdraw his men over
the Saluda River, and keep them there or disperse them as
he pleased until he should receive his Excellency's orders;
that no person of either party should be molested in
returning home; that should reinforcements arrive, they
should be bound by the treaty; that all prisoners should be
set at liberty, the fortifications levelled, and the well
which had been dug in the forts filled up. Such was the
rather inglorious end of an affair which otherwise,
however, might have produced the most disastrous
consequences, and at once have inaugurated fratricidal
strife which later drenched this fair land in blood. It was
not, however, entirely to the advantage of Major
Williamson's party; for the other was composed of much more
discordant materials than his own, and could not have been
kept inactively together. It was observed that none of
those who had signed the treaty of Ninety-Six with Mr.
Drayton took any open part in this rising except McLaurin.
Colonel Fletchall, it is true, was charged with privately
encouraging it. The whole enterprise of this heterogeneous
mass calling themselves King's men -- some acting upon
principle and more perhaps from timidity, believing the
story of the Indians in the affidavit of Pearis--was
based upon the belief that Major Williamson's party would
immediately surrender and submit. Without a leader capable
of controlling them by influence or authority, and every
officer thinking himself on a footing with Major Robinson,
the head of the expedition, the party soon fell to pieces.
In the meanwhile Matthew Floyd, the messenger sent by Major
Robinson to Lord William Campbell under the terms of the
treaty, arrived in Charlestown and applied to the Council
of Safety for permission to repair to his Lordship on board
the British man-of-war, declaring that he had lost his
dispatches, and therefore it was necessary he should
himself give his Excellency accounts of the transaction at
Ninety-Six. This story of the loss of his dispatches
naturally created suspicion, and the Council of Safety in
allowing him to go to his Excellency required that he
should be accompanied by one Mr. Merchant on the part of
the Council, who was required to be present at any
interview and conversation between Lord William and Floyd.
But notwithstanding Mr. Merchant's remonstrance, as soon as
Floyd was on board Lord William took him down into his
cabin, where, with Innes his... Pages 96 - 97 ...in
addition to which Colonel Polk was in full march from North
Carolina with 600 men. As Colonel Richardson's army
advanced, the King's' party fell back constantly
retreating. They were thoroughly disheartened by the
failure of the promises of Lord William Campbell and his
weak conduct. Occasionally they would make a stand; but as
soon as Colonel Richardson advanced, they could retreat. By
the 12th of December Colonel Richardson's army, which then
consisted of three thousand men, had penetrated far into
the interior, and had taken several prisoners "of the first
magnitude," as he described them in the letter to the
Council of Safety. Among them were Colonel Thomas Fletchall, Captain Richard Pearis, and Captain
Shuberg. Fletchall was found hidden in a large sycamore
tree with a hollow seven or eight feet wide on Fair Forest
Creek, from which he was unkennelled by the Rangers and
some volunteers under Colonel Thomson, who had been sent to
scour that part of the disaffected district and to beat up
Fletchall's quarters. Richardson pressed forward through
all the inclemencies of the winter weather, though his men
were thinly clothed and indifferently provided. He halted
and encamped at Liberty Hill on the line between Newberry
and Laurens counties, about four or five miles from the
Enoree River. Here he collected his most important
prisoners those reputed to be the most active against the
authority of the Provincial Congress, and placing them
under the care of his son Captain Richard Richardson, Jr.,
he sent them under escort to Charlestown. Having thus
divested himself of this care, and his force still further
increased by Colonels Rutherford and Graham of North
Carolina with about five hundred men, and by Major Andrew
Williamson and Captain Hammond with a party of Colonel
Stephen Bull's regiment amounting to about eight hundred
men, his whole force now amounting to between four thousand
and five thousand strong, he scoured the whole of the upper
country, penetrating four miles beyond the Cherokee
boundary line to a place called the Great Cane Brake on
Reedy River. At Cane Brake there was a camp of King's men
which it was Richardson's object to break up. For this
purpose he dispatched Colonel Thomson with about thirteen
hundred men, who after a tedious march of near twenty-three
miles on the 21st of December arrived within view of the
Loyalists' campfires. Toward daylight of the 22d Thomson
moved forward to attack, and had nearly surrounded the camp
when his men were discovered; and a fight immediately took
place. Patrick Cuningham escaped on a horse bareback,
telling every one "to shift for himself." Great slaughter,
it is said, would have ensued had not Colonel Thomson
prevented it. Five or six of Cuningham's men were, however,
killed, and one hundred and thirty were taken prisoners. Of
Colonel Thomson's troops none were killed and only one was
wounded. Colonel Richardson now regarding the object of the
campaign as accomplished, dismissed the North Carolina
troops and breaking up his camp marched homewards. From the
snow which fell in the latter part of the expedition it was
called the "Snow Campaign." The campaign was supposed to
have completely broken up the Ring's party in the upper
country, but its success to this extent was only apparent.
Pages 524 - 525 ..."Tarleton's quarter" became proverbial.
The tragedy sank deep into the hearts, not only of the
American soldiers, but of the people of this section who
had hitherto had but little to do with the war. It was an
event which contributed much to arousing them from an
indifference to the contest to the most determined
resistance to the British. Tarleton himself recognized the
necessity of some explanation of the extraordinary
slaughter, and, as is seen, attempted to excuse it because
his men supposed him to have fallen. Lord Cornwallis found
no fault with the barbarous conduct of his lieutenant; and
Sir Henry Clinton reported it with exultation and even with
exaggeration as to the number slain. But the brutal conduct
of Tarleton's dragoons at Monck's Corner and the massacre
at the Waxhaws were not the only instances of their cruelty
in this campaign; another, which made a deep and lasting
impression on the people of this section, was the killing
during this expedition of Samuel Wyley, the brother of the
sheriff at Camden. This unfortunate man was mistaken for
his brother, John Wyley, the sheriff, whom Tarleton had
determined to put to death. To perform the deed he
dispatched a favorite sergeant, whose name was Hutt, with a
sergeant's guard. Going to Wyley's house, two men were left
concealed behind the two large gateposts at the entrance of
the yard, while Hutt with the rest of the party broke into
the house, Hutt demanded Wyley's shoebuckles, and while the
defenceless man stooped down to unbuckle them Hutt aimed a
stroke at his head, Wyley, seeing the gleam of the sword,
parried the blow from his head by his hand, with the loss
of some of the fingers; then, springing out of the door, he
ran for the gate, where the two concealed men dispatched
him. On this expedition, also, the British burned the house
of Sumter, near Clermont, and in doing so roused the spirit
of a lion. Tarleton, after Buford's defeat, fell back to
join the main army. Cornwallis had not moved more than
forty miles from Nelson's Ferry when the first express
arrived with the news of Tarleton's success. A few days
afterward Cornwallis reached Camden, and Tarleton joined
him there. Upon the approach of the British the inhabitants
of Camden met them with a flag and asked for, and were
granted, terms similar to those granted to the inhabitants
of Charlestown, that is, that they were to be Considered as
prisoners on parole. The people of Ninety-Six, learning
that the British were advancing to that part of the State
also, sent out a flag to the commanding officer, from whom
they learned that Sir Henry Clinton had delegated full
powers to Captain Richard Pearis, and were advised
to treat with him. Articles of capitulation were
immediately proposed and soon ratified, by which they were
promised the same security for their persons and property
which British subjects enjoyed. They submitted under the
supposition that they were to be either neutrals or
prisoners on parole, as had been stipulated at Charlestown.
The inhabitants in the neighborhood of Beaufort likewise
were assured the same terms."
Two pages from an Old Frederick County Parish record show
signatures of
parishioners who participated in communion during 1761-1763. The
register was found in an original book among miscellaneous Frederick
County records in the Library of Virginia (Archives). At the top
of the register is this statement: "I do declare that I do
believe there is not any transubstantiation in the Sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, and in the Elements of Bread and Wine, at or
after the Consecration thereof by any Person Whatsoever."
This was one way of saying that the communion table was for
Protestants only. The Roman Catholic church believes the elements are
transubstantiated, or they actually become the body and blood of Jesus
Christ, at communion time.
Some persons who signed the parish register were: Nicholas
M____(German), John Hite, Jacob Morgan, Thomas Caton, ____ Mandley,
James Craik, James Ireson, John Neaville, John McKensie, John
Christopher (Heintz ?), James Keith, Thomas Speake, Lewis Moore,
Cornelius Vansdell, Peter Hog (on June 1, 1762), Joseph Longacre (a
German signature), Joseph Glass, John Lindsey, Thomas Bryan
Martin, John Sheen, Richard Paris (Pearis), John Watson,
John Taylor, Edward Robinson, David Shepherd, Jeremiah Odell, John
Shealy (HisXMark——the only person who could not sign his own
name), Charles Smith, Gabriel Jones, Thomas Rutherford, Thomas
Whitson, William Overall, Thomas Wadlington, Archibald Wager, Humphrey Wells, Isaac Russell, Thomas
Lowe, John Kennedy, Joseph A__(not legible), Elijah Isaacs(?), John
Linsey, Daniel Bush, John Edwards, Edward Rogers Jr., Morgan Morgan,
Walter Moffett, John Waton (German), Van Swearington, John Wager,
Wastley Whit, John Dark, Alex Lemen, John Jenkins, Martin
____(German), Richard Jackman, Adam Stephen, Burr Harrison,
Angus McDonald, Thomas Helm, and Henry Netherton. With several
exceptions, this list represents persons in the power structure of
Frederick County in 1761-1763. It is obvious that no women
signed the register.
Apparently, Richard Pearis was not what we might
call a "model citizen." I found a Virginia Colonial Records
Project document, survey report number 577, Letters to Secretary of
State, where Mr. John Stuart wrote to the Earl of Hillsborough,
Charles Town South Carolina on 8 January 1773 to report that
"Jacob Hite and Richard Pearis, of Virginia, are reportedly
fraudulently to be obtaining cessions of land from the Indians."
(pages 211-215)
In the same document, on page 292 there is another entry
where Mr. John Stuart again wrote to the Earl of Hillsborough. The letter, on
21 December 1773 was "regarding the judgment given in the Circuit Court
against Jacob Hite and Richard Pearis for illegally obtaining cessions of land
from the Indians."
Richard was apparently active in his support of the
British. An abstract of pay due to Captain Richard Pearis states:
"Abstract of Pay due to Captain Richard PEARIS
Commanding a Company of Colonel STUARTs Corps of Loyal Refugees in
West Florida for himself 1 Serjeant & 3 Privates upon Detachment in
Georgia & East Florida.
To Capt. PEARIS's pay from the 1st July 1778 to
the 1st August 1779 Inclusive 397 days at 10s/ |
198. 10. 0. |
To Serjeant EARNESTS do from do to do 397 days
at 1/ |
19. 17. 0. |
To Pay for three Privates Viz. Thos. SMITH,
William ALLEN & William NIBBITT from do to do 397 days each at 6d
|
29. 15. 6. |
To Forage, Baggage & Batt Money from the 19th
October to the 1st August 1779 |
54. 8. 6. |
|
£ 302. 11. 0." |
Great Britain, Public Record Office, Audit Office,
Class 13, Volume 93, page 620.
Not only was Richard Pearis active in Georgia and
East Florida, he was also active in West Florida. He was captured
somewhere in the western portion of Florida by the Americans. His
parole document follows:
West Florida Loyal Refugees
"I do hereby acknowledge myself to be a Prisoner of
war on parole to His Excellency the Commander in Chief of the American
forces and that I am thereby engaged until I shall be exchanged to
remain within the British Lines and that I will not in the mean time
do or cause to be done anything prejudicial to the success of the
American Arms, or have intercourse or correspondence with the Enemies
of the United States. Witness my hand this 8th Day [of] June 1781-
Richd. PEARIS Capt. W. F. Loyts. Witness Geo: Carrington Cort. P.L.D."
Great Britain, Public Record Office, Audit Office,
Class 13, Volume 93, page 616.
His activities ultimately resulted in the
destruction of his property. In a memorial to the Commissioners
Appointed by Acts of Parliament, he wrote of his family's sufferings
during the war, noting that:
"In the year 1776 when my Estate was burnt and
destroyed, my Wife, 2 Daughters and one Son were surprised by break of
day by one Colonel Thomas and 400 Militia; beat and abused my
daughters and made them all prisoners, after burning, destroying and
carrying away the Property, forced them to March thro' Rivers and
Creeks on foot 25 Miles in one day, without victuals or any thing to
cover their heads from the Sun; afterwards kept them confined three
days without any Provisions, then sent them off in an open Wagon 100
Miles and turned them out to shift for themselves amongst a parcel of
Rebels without money or Provisions. They were then obliges for three
years during my absences on duty to be depending on Charitable People
added to their own Industry for their Living, and under continual
Apprehension of being massacred."
After the Revolution, Richard Pearis was exiled to
the Bahamas Islands. Homeward Bound, The Bahamas Islands to 1850 by
Sandra Riley. ISBN0-941072-06-1, pg. 253 no. 8: states:
"[Richard PEARIS] He left three tracts of land on
Abaco to his wife Rhoda. To his son Richard and daughters Sarah and
Margaret he bequeathed the land in Nassau and two hundred acres on the
River in West Florida. Richard Jr. received his father's Calcoa land
and all the property in the United States." Will Book "F", pg.
460-464, proved 15 December 1794.
Richard Pearis is listed as one of the Loyalist
settlers who were granted land by the Bahamian government from 1778 -
1783, The information comes from "The Early Settlers of the Bahama
Islands with Account of the American Revolution" by A. Talbot Bethell
(1930)
Name |
Acres |
Location |
Pearis, Margaret |
40 Acres |
Abaco |
Pearis, Richard |
140 Acres |
Abaco |
I do not know whether Margaret Pearis is Richard
Pearis' daughter or Richard Pearis Jr's wife. Although I suspect
Margaret is Richard's daughter. I also do not know which Richard
Pearis held this land grant, Jr. or Sr.
I found an index of a will for Richard M. Pearis on
the
National Archives of the Bahamas web site. This index indicates
the will was "proved" on 15 December 1794.
Publication |
18 May 1762.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 224
acres adjoining Jacob Vanmeter, and Edward Mercer. |
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants K, 1757-1762, p. 430 (Reel 294). |
|
Original survey
exists.
|
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
Publication |
15 April 1762.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 209
acres adjoining his father's late survey including his Still House
on Opeckon. |
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants K, 1757-1762, p. 397 (Reel 294). |
|
Original survey
exists.
|
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
Publication |
7 September 1762.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 51
acres adjoining his own line on the east side of Opeckon. |
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants M, 1762-1765, p. 40 (Reel 295). |
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
Publication |
20 September
1766.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 124
acres on Opeckon adjoining Richard
Pearis &c.
|
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants N, 1766, p. 231 (Reel 295). |
|
Original survey
exists.
|
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
Publication |
11 February 1763.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 536
acres near Tuscarorah Branch on the Main Road to Watkins Ferry. |
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants M, 1762-1765, p. 131 (Reel 295). |
|
Original survey
exists.
|
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
Publication |
12 February 1763.
|
Other Format |
Available on
microfilm. Northern Neck Grants, reels 288-311. |
Note |
Location:
Frederick County.
|
|
Description: 390
acres at the head of the Swan Ponds, on the drains of Opeckon. |
|
Source: Northern
Neck Grants M, 1762-1765, p. 132 (Reel 295). |
|
Original survey
exists.
|
|
Part of the index
to recorded copies of land grants issued by the agents of the
Fairfax Proprietary between 1690 and 1781 and by the Commonwealth
between 1786 and 1874. Original and recorded surveys are also
indexed when available. The collection is housed in the Archives
at the Library of Virginia.
|
|